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Looking Beyond the Moment: American Immigration Seen from Historically and Internationally Comparative Perspectives
Published on: Jul 28, 2006

The problem of unauthorized immigration is, above all, a problem of managing the immigrant flow from Mexico, whose citizens make up more than half the stream, and is unlikely to be solvable without the involvement of the Mexican authorities.8 If we shift, moreover, the framework of action from a unilateral to a bilateral one, then we can imagine a greater range of policies that could help to regulate immigration; we are not just stuck with restriction alone. A bilateral framework would enable us to envision ways to enlist the Mexican government to assist us in managing migration so that it contributes to both Mexico and the US.  In any event, an active role for the Mexican government would have to be part of any bargain, and it could help by directing potential immigrants towards legal channels (as the Mexican state did during the Bracero era).  Mexico could be encouraged to cooperate by, perhaps, compensating it for the loss of remittances that would occur if the total volume of immigration, legal and illegal, were to be reduced.  A bilateral framework would also prompt us to envision ways of facilitating the return of temporary migrants to Mexico, for example, by enabling them to invest more easily in their home communities through changes in banking regulations on both sides of the border.9 Such a shift of the frame of policy does not mean that we will be able to stringently limit immigration from Mexico—the situation has evolved past that point—but that we can channel much more of it through legal pathways and restore more circularity, i.e., return migration, to it. The challenges of managing immigration from Mexico are probably at their zenith right now, for population projections, reflecting the profound decline in Mexican fertility, indicate that the young-adult group, the greatest source of migrants at any point in time, is going to shrink in coming decades.10

Successful management of future flows still leaves the problem of the unauthorized or undocumented population (also called “illegal” by some), which has reached a size that makes it a major problem for US society.  The best estimates, originating with the demographer Jeffrey Passel, indicate that there are approximately 12 million people who reside and work here without any legal basis for doing so; if one includes the US-born children in their families, then the figure rises to 15 million, approximately 4 to 5 percent of the total population.11 This is a disastrous situation for any democratic society, as it leaves a substantial-sized body of the population vulnerable to exploitation and without any significant political voice.  It is one that cries out for an effective resolution; and since there is no prospect, thankfully, that the US will expel a large portion of its resident population, in the long run there is no alternative to creating a pathway to legal long-term residence for the immigrants and those of their children who are also unauthorized.  Even if some Americans refuse to accept that individuals they view as law breakers should be given legal status, it is hard to imagine the objections to doing this for their children, who have not made the choice to break American law.  According to Passel’s recent estimates, there are two million undocumented children in immigrant families who are being raised in the US and attend American schools.  They are Americans in all but legal title, and there is little prospect that they can return to their parents’ country of origin and integrate there.  Thus, they are in limbo, for when they leave US schools, they cannot be legally employed and consequently they cannot realize the fruits of their American educational credentials.   One would hope that any vision of the American future would include a place for these children.

In any event, if we accept as a nation that large-scale immigration is a vital aspect of our collective life in an era of globalization, then the comparison with Europe is once again useful.  For the Europeans continue to balk at the immigration they desperately need to accept from other continents and risk economic, cultural and social sclerosis as a consequence. All the population prognoses demonstrate that, without massive immigration, European societies will rapidly age and the youthful components of their population will shrink; the dependency ratio is expected to double by the middle of the century.12 This situation should not be viewed as simply a matter of having enough workers to support the increasingly elderly portion of society but of having enough young people to sustain the level of innovation—artistic, technological and commercial, among other ways—that is required to keep societies capable of responding to the quicksilver globalization of the 21st century.

The US is more dynamic in these respects, and one has to credit immigration with a very substantial role in this dynamism, one that it certainly has had historically.  The positive impacts of immigration on US society cannot be reduced to narrowly defined economic effects, for the economic analysis, as evidenced in the 1997 report of the National Research Council, shows that, on balance, the effects on national income and on the relative economic position of different population groups are modest.13 Yet it is in cultural and social respects that immigration has exerted its most profound impacts on the US.

During the 20th century, the US cultural influence on the rest of the world (for better or worse, one might say) was symbolized by Hollywood cinema and by television, where the contributions of late 19th and early 20th century immigrant groups, and especially but not exclusively of central and eastern European Jews, were profound and essential.  At the turn of the new century, the impact of the American computer industry, geographically marked again by a California location, Silicon Valley, is again supported extensively by immigrant creativity, as immigrants are estimated to account for at least a third of the engineers there and a quarter of the entrepreneurs.14

Skeptics of large-scale immigration, such the Harvard economist George Borjas, will say that these positive economic and cultural effects are determined by a small part of the overall immigrant stream and argue that immigration policy should target individuals who bring high levels of measurable human capital and restrict the entry of others.15 However, they forget the extraordinary ability of the US to provide a social escalator for groups that initially enter with low levels of education and occupational skills and to bring them to parity with other Americans within several generations.16 Here, the much-overworked analogy between the southern Italians of a century ago and the Mexicans of today is in fact relevant.17 Southern Italian immigrants, the majority of the ancestors of today’s Italian Americans, entered the US in the early 20th century with very low levels of human capital—roughly half were illiterate.  Yet today their descendants, who constitute 5-6 percent of the US population, are nearly at parity among college professors (4.6 percent of PhD holders who teach at colleges and universities), at parity among physicians (6.1 percent) and above it among attorneys (8.3 percent).18 That this escalator worked in the past is certainly not a guarantee that it will work in the future, but it ought to give Americans confidence at least that, with the proper willingness to invest in the educations of young people from immigrant backgrounds, they too will be able to contribute to the dynamism of American society.19